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Old 06-26-2008, 11:54 PM
john w k john w k is online now
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Default S.C. makes things up, again: child rape case

On June 25th, 2008, five members of our Supreme Court perpetuated a lie to justify and impose their personal standards of justice within the State of Louisiana, and they refused to uphold the people’s adopted penal code requiring the death penalty for a child rapist.

And just what was the big lie told? Justice Kennedy in delivering the opinion of the Court wrote:

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The Eighth Amendment, applicable to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment, provides that “[e]excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.”
The Fourteenth Amendment made the Eighth Amendment of the federal Constitution applicable to the States? A lie like that, Justice Kennedy, is easy to state, but it is a far different matter to provide the documentation to substantiate such an assertion!

The fact is, Kennedy’s assertion is an invention of the Supreme Court of the United States used to gather dictatorial powers to itself and the Washington Establishment, undermine federalism, and is not in harmony with the preponderance of evidence documenting the very narrow intentions and beliefs for which the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, and which I will briefly touch upon shortly. But first, and for the benefit of those who have an appetite for historical facts, rather than fiction, let us recall why the first ten amendments were added to our federal Constitution.

It is amazing how our federal Bill of Rights has been repeatedly misrepresented by our employees in Washington in order to subjugate the very intentions for which it was adopted which was to restrict our federal government’s exercise of power and preserve and protect federalism, our Constitution’s plan.

The intentions for which the federal Bill of Rights was sent to the States for ratification is documented in the Resolution of the First Congress Submitting Twelve Amendments to the Constitution; March 4, 1789

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THE Conventions of a number of the States, having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added …..
Now isn’t that something? Our first ten amendments to our federal Constitution were specifically intended to further restrict the government created under our federal Constitution and prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers. The unadulterated truth is, the first ten amendments to our federal Constitution were never intended to apply to or restrict the sovereignty of the people within the various States nor interfere with their constitutionally established state governments, nor allow the federal government to second guess the penal laws adopted by the people within the four corners of their respective state Constitutions and Declarations of Rights.

It is also important to note how Madison articulates the prevailing sentiments of the people with regard to the adoption of our Constitution’s first ten amendments, adopted in support of “federalism“:

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“It cannot be a secret to the gentlemen in this House, that, notwithstanding the ratification of this system of Government by eleven of the thirteen United States, in some cases unanimously, in others by large majorities; yet still there is a great number of our constituents who are dissatisfied with it; among whom are many respectable for their talents and patriotism, and respectable for the jealousy they have for their liberty, which, though mistaken in its object, is laudable in its motive. There is a great body of the people falling under this description, who at present feel much inclined to join their support to the cause of Federalism” ___See :Madison, June 8th, 1789, Amendments to the Constitution
And so, the very reason for adopting the first ten amendments was to preserve federalism, our Constitution’s plan and further restrict the federal government‘s power.


Keep in mind that before our federal government was created the various state constitutions and their Declarations of Rights as adopted by the people in their respective states were intended to insure those at the helm of state government power protected the lives, liberty and property of the people as commanded by a State’s written Constitution. For example see: Maryland’s DECLARATION OF RIGHTS, November 3, 1776 And in particular see XIV of Maryland‘s Declaration of Rights:

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. That sanguinary laws ought to be avoided, as far as is consistent with the safety of the State: and no law, to inflict cruel and unusual pains and penalties, ought to bc made in any case, or at any time hereafter.
And so, it becomes evident from historical facts that our first ten amendments to our federal Constitution were not intended to be enforceable upon the States by the federal government, but were intended to restrict the federal government. And thus, the remaining question to be addressed is Justice Kennedy’s assertion that

Quote:
The Eighth Amendment, applicable to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment, provides that “[e]excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.”
A research of the House and Senate debates which framed both the 1st Civil Rights Act and the 14th Amendment establishes beyond any doubt the prevailing intention was to incorporate the objectives of a proposed Civil Rights Act into the Constitution and had nothing to do with making the Eighth Amendment, or any of the other nine amendments being made applicable to the States.

There is an abundance of documented evidence the Fourteenth Amendment was specifically intended to apply in a very narrow area which was to prohibit state legislation based upon race, color, or previous condition of slavery. For example, Rep. Shallabarger, a primary supporter of the Fourteenth Amendment when it was being debated explains the intentions as follows:

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“Its whole effect is not to confer or regulate rights, but to require that whatever of these enumerated rights and obligations are imposed by State laws shall be for and upon all citizens alike without distinctions based on race or former condition of slavery…It permits the States to say that the wife may not testify, sue or contract. It makes no law as to this. Its whole effect is to require that whatever rights as to each of the enumerated civil (not political) matters the States may confer upon one race or color of the citizens shall be held by all races in equality…It does not prohibit you from discriminating between citizens of the same race, or of different races, as to what their rights to testify, to inherit &c. shall be. But if you do discriminate, it must not be on account of race, color or former conditions of slavery. That is all. If you permit a white man who is an infidel to testify, so you must a colored infidel. Self-evidently this is the whole effect of this first section. It secures-not to all citizens, but to all races as races who are citizens- equality of protection in those enumerated civil rights which the States may deem proper to confer upon any race.” ___ SEE: Rep. Shallabarger, Congressional Globe, 1866, page 1293
The bottom line is, Justice Kennedy’s assertion about the Fourteenth Amendment is not in harmony with the preponderance of evidence documenting the intentions and beliefs under which the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, and thus, his opinion is based upon a myth, a myth generated and nurtured by the SCOTUS during the past fifty or so years in an attempt by the Washington Establishment to weaken and dissolved federalism, our Constitution’s plan. The plain truth is, Kennedy has perpetuated the big lie concerning the Fourteenth Amendment, which was not intended to allow Kennedy to second guess the People’s adopted penal code in Louisiana, nor allow Roe vs. Wade, allow Martin, a cripple, to ride around in a golf cart during the PGA event, nor was the Fourteenth Amendment intended to allowed Justice Ginsburg to command VMI to admit females into the Virginia Military Institute.

Isn’t it time to demand our public servants on the SCOTUS substantiate their opinions concerning the Fourteenth Amendment with historical documentation from those who framed and ratified the amendment? Or will its members be allowed to continue to make things up as they go along and ignore their oath of office to support and defend “this Constitution” and not one they make up as they carry on from day to day?


JWK


Those who reject abiding by the intentions and beliefs under which our Constitution was agree to, as those intentions and beliefs may be documented from historical records, wish to remove the anchor and rudder of our constitutional system so they may then be free to “interpret” the Constitution to mean whatever they wish it to mean.
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Old 06-27-2008, 10:46 AM
AMonte AMonte is offline
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Seems pretty ballsy to even use the phrase "cruel and unusual punishment" when talking about sparing these monsters who perpetrated acts far worse. The death penalty seems humane compared to what should be applied.
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Old 06-27-2008, 11:43 AM
ddelorenzo ddelorenzo is offline
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John, are you still angry about the civil war?
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Old 06-27-2008, 07:22 PM
john w k john w k is online now
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Originally Posted by AMonte View Post
Seems pretty ballsy to even use the phrase "cruel and unusual punishment" when talking about sparing these monsters who perpetrated acts far worse. The death penalty seems humane compared to what should be applied.
I agree completely! But you can thank our nation’s pervert lovers at the ACLU who have been quite active as far back as the 1970’s and even before in undermining federalism and assisting the Washington Establishment in its effort to concentrate power over the states and placing it in the hands of SCOTUS.

As a matter of fact, Ruth Bader Ginsburg who now sits on the SC was a volunteer for the American Civil Liberties Union in the 1970’s and very active in a number of cases which popularized a number of “tests” [strict scrutiny, rational basis, compelling state interests] which the SC now regularly relies upon to parse words and subjugate the very intentions and beliefs under which our federal Constitution was adopted.

And what is our constitutional system’s most fundamental rule?

16 Am Jur 2d Constitutional law
Par. 92. Intent of framers and adopters as controlling.

Quote:

The fundamental principle of constitutional construction is that effect must be given to the intent of the framers of the organic law and of the people adopting it. This is the polestar in the construction of constitutions, all other principles of construction are only rules or guides to aid in the determination of the intention of the constitution’s framers.

Expounding upon our Constitution is not an exercise in “interpretation” as some would have us believe ___ it is a task of “documentation”! Enemies of our constitutional system wish to ignore the recorded intentions for which our Constitution [each article, section, clause and amendment] was adopted in order to then be free to make the Constitution mean whatever they wish it to mean.

JWK

"On every question of construction [of the Constitution], carry ourselves back to the time when the Constitution was adopted, recollect the spirit manifested in the debates, and instead of trying what meaning may be squeezed out of the text, or invented against it, conform to the probable one in which it was passed."--Thomas Jefferson, letter to William Johnson, June 12, 1823, The Complete Jefferson, p. 322.
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Old 06-30-2008, 01:14 AM
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Michael Tree Michael Tree is offline
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This is hardly news. There's nothing special about this case that's different from hundreds of other bill of rights cases every year. Well, except that it's about a conservative wedge issue, and involves the "pervert lovers at the ACLU."

I'm surprised John isn't more up in arms about the blatant judicial activism in this week's other big case.http://www.ibdeditorials.com/IBDArti...6186&type=left

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In knocking down the District of Columbia's 32-year ban on handgun possession, the conservatives on the U.S. Supreme Court have shown again their willingness to abandon precedent in order to do whatever is necessary to further the agenda of the contemporary political right.

The court's five most conservative members have demonstrated that for all of Justice Antonin Scalia's talk about "originalism" as a coherent constitutional doctrine, the judicial right regularly succumbs to the temptation to legislate from the bench. They fall in line behind whatever fashions political conservatism is promoting.

Conservative justices claim that they defer to local authority. Not in this case. They insist that political questions should be decided by elected officials. Not in this case. They argue that they pay careful attention to the precise words of the Constitution. Not in this case.

. . .

The United States and its gun owners have done perfectly well since 1939, when an earlier Supreme Court interpreted the Second Amendment as implying a collective right to bear arms, but not an individual right.

Here is what the Second Amendment says: "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed."

Thursday's narrow majority spent the first 54 pages of its decision, written by Scalia, trying to show that even though the framers inserted 13 important words in front of the assertion of a right to bear arms, those words were essentially meaningless.

Does that reflect an honest attempt to determine the "original" intention of the Constitution's framers?

In fact, it was the court's four more liberal justices who favored judicial modesty, deference to democratic decisions, empowerment of local officials and care in examining the Constitution's actual text and the history behind it.
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Old 06-30-2008, 09:49 PM
john w k john w k is online now
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Originally Posted by Michael Tree View Post
This is hardly news. There's nothing special about this case that's different from hundreds of other bill of rights cases every year. Well, except that it's about a conservative wedge issue, and involves the "pervert lovers at the ACLU."

I'm surprised John isn't more up in arms about the blatant judicial activism in this week's other big case.http://www.ibdeditorials.com/IBDArti...6186&type=left


The gun law challenged in the SC is un-constitutional for a reason which has nothing to do with guns. The law in question was not enacted by Congress. Under our Constitution Congress, and only Congress, has been granted power:


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To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;--

Congress has un-constitutionally delegated its power to legislate in all Cases whatsoever within the district of Columbia to the Council of the District of Columbia, created by Congress under the Home Rule Act of 1973. But the Council of the District of Columbia has not been elected by the people of the United States respectively as commanded by our Constitution, and thus, the gun law in question has not been enacted by agents authorized to “Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District. Those authorized to legislate in the district of Columbia are explicitly to be elected by the people of the various United States, and not the residents who happen to live within the limits of Washington, D.C.

Getting back to the Washington, D.C. handgun law. How could it be constitutional when is was not written by the Congress of the United States, which is the only body vested with power to legislate in Washington, D.C.? And, why did the SCOTUS even recognize a law which was not written by the constitutionally authorized legislative body?

JWK
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